martes, 12 de agosto de 2008
Update on referendum aftermath: calm in Cochabamba
Sunday's referendum results, coupled with a cordial and dialogical tone on the part of president Morales Sunday night, may have gone a long way toward mellowing opposition leaders. There are calls for dialog from all quarters, and the protests and strikes that were so intense around the country last week are now largely being suspended.
In Cochabamba, things also seem to be tending toward peace. Prefect Manfred Reyes Villa has been roundly defeated (roughly 60% voted for his ouster). On Sunday night as that fact became clear, he repeated declarations that the referendum was illegal and he had no intention of leaving office. But today, he is modifying his position: Manfred now says he will leave only when a replacement is elected - he will not hand over power to a prefect hand-picked by Morales. Meanwhile, the Civic Committee, an important ally of Manfred Reyes Villa, is calling on him to reflect upon his position and what is best for peace in Cochabamba. I suspect he finally recognizes just how isolated he has become, and he's now searching for a graceful way to bow out and position himself for a presidential bid in 2010.
We were on the streets Sunday talking with a lot of people, especially a number of right-wing activists. Many said two things: A) that if Manfred were to lose, he would have to recognize the expressed will of the people and step down (this from people who shared Manfred's position that the referendum was illegal); and B) they did expect clashes over this issue, largely because they anticipated that MAS activists (Morales supporters) would try to take over the prefecture or otherwise remove Manfred by force. MAS activists have done no such thing.
I just came from Cochabamba's main plaza, where Manfred is reportedly in his office in the prefecture, and all is calm. I spoke with some members of a radical activist group that has a regular presence in the plaza. They told me that they actually tried to move on the prefecture Sunday night, but were stopped by a group of "MASistas." There seems to be a general sense that, by some relatively orderly process, Reyes Villa will necessarily step down.
Not surprising in all of this is the fact that the vast majority of Bolivians, and Cochabambinos in particular, have zero interest in seeing more bloody clashes here. My worries - and those of family, friends, and others with whom I've spoken - stemmed from the possibility that a hard core of militants on either side (and some plain old thugs and racist street mercenaries on the right) would provoke the violence so many dreaded, and that others would then be sucked into reacting. But, as is supposed to happen in a democratic society, level-headed, peace-loving, dialog-seeking citizens have prevailed, at least for the moment.
¡Jallalla Bolivia!
lunes, 11 de agosto de 2008
A SERIES OF TEXTS TO SET THE CONTEXT OF THE RECALL REFERENDUM IN BOLIVIA
CONTEXT TEXT [part 1]
A SERIES OF TEXTS TO SET THE CONTEXT OF THE RECALL REFERENDUM IN
Theo Roncken, Coordinator Accion Andina, Member Rimarikuna Collective, July 31, 2008
- Do you agree that the process of change led by President Evo Morales Ayma and Vice-president Alvaro Garcia Linera should continue?
- Do you agree that the policies, actions and the management of the Prefect (Governor) of the Department should continue?
Many Bolivians don't see this referendum as a solution to the country's political crisis. Nevertheless, the ratification or suspension of authorities, indicated by its results, would offer a new compass heading to orient future actions and negotiations.
The situation in the Department of Cochabamba, in center of the country, attracts attention. In the 2005 national elections, Cochabamba's Prefect -Manfred Reyes Villa- obtained 47.6% of the vote, which is why, according to the rules of the Referendum he would have to obtain no more than 47.6% of rejection votes to remain in his post. Officially, Reyes Villa does not accept holding the Referendum insisting on its unconstitutionality and looking for any way to ensure that it is annulled.
The Recall Referendum was first proposed ----- in the midst of the January 2007 political crisis that resulted in violent confrontations between civilians in the city of
In spite of its enormous inequalities and differences between social classes, until the 1990's
According to this study, these youth - children of the old social elites - prefer living in sub-worlds that are self-sufficient, exclusive and therefore safe; than having to daily face the unknown of an open and diverse city with which they cannot even remotely identify, in contrast with their parents.
These youth who grew up in an artificially safe world, today invest their creativity in the construction of bubbles that allow them to deny the existence of the " other ": whom in addition to being bothersome (for their smell, lack of hygiene and order), are a potential danger. With each passing day, the city that they live in shrinks, while their fears of the unknown grow. Already they rarely visit the old center, not that they ever need to: on "their" side of the city to the north a new center has been established in the past decade which is comfortable and safe, that meets all their demands for exclusive goods and services.
The fact that the violence of "January 11" happened on the doorstep of this new "city of the North " does not seem a coincidence. It was in one of the besieged front doors of this Northern zone that the self proclaimed "citizens" organized to halt the advance of the "peasants." In this way, that day the population of
CONTEXT TEXT [part 2]
A SERIES OF TEXTS TO SET THE CONTEXT OF THE RECALL REFERENDUM IN
Theo Roncken, Coordinator Accion Andina, Member Rimarikuna Collective, August 4, 2008
Less than one week to go before the Recall Referendum in
In
In the middle of the 1990's few ever imagined that a mere ten years later the Executive authority of the Nation would be partly run by the popular sectors. Representatives of the traditional political structures considered it strategic to promote the gradual participation of the excluded majorities. National authorities designed and applied a model of popular participation with a proposed distribution of powers that seemed to be "manageable": legally, the participation of the people in the formal democracy was clearly delimited.
In this model, the very Political Constitution of the State would help to preserve the foundations of the State to back the use of a series of mechanisms that would facilitate the identification of necessary adjustments but without going so far as to challenge its exclusive structural features. The internal instruments of control, like for example Electoral Courts, the Supreme Court of Justice, and the
In this way, the dominant classes defined the legal limits to democratic participation, jeopardizing the legitimacy of key institutions of representative democracy. It should not strike us as odd that when, at the beginning of the 21st century the project of this elite entered into crisis, even the most sacred institutions of their democracy were called into question. Electoral Courts, the Supreme Court of Justice and the
The
CONTEXT TEXT [part 3]
A SERIES OF TEXTS TO SET THE CONTEXT OF THE RECALL REFERENDUM IN
Theo Roncken, Coordinator Accion Andina, Member Rimarikuna Collective, August 10, 2008
The biggest question over the next few days In Cochabamba is: what happens if the voters of the department decide that Prefect Manfred Reyes Villa must go?
This question has several shades of meaning. The
According to the text of the law approved by Congress, Manfred Reyes Villa would be revoked if more of the 47,641 percent of voters said NO to continuing his mandate. But after further negotiations of the National Electoral Court and most of Departmental Courts, they came out in favor of a revocation for the prefects of 8 departments (all but Chuquisaca) if the NO count reached a total of 50% plus one of the votes.
The public presentation of this new criterion generated much debate. Those in favor said that the
In
The second shade of meaning to our question would be relevant if more than 50% of the voters say NO to the mandate of the
According to the Recall Referendum Law, those prefects who are revoked would have to leave their positions almost immediately. So, we have here a scenario that could result in conflict. What would Reyes Villa do to stay in his position? Would the National Government decide to remove him by force? Or, riskier in terms of possible violence: Would they allocate that task to a sector of the social movements? In that case, we could likely see a repeat of the violent confrontations between civilians that happened on January 11, 2007.
Although the Prefect of Cochabamba does not want to recognize the legality nor the legitimacy of the Referendum, their results will greatly influence the responsibility that will fall on his shoulders regarding the provocation or prevention of violence.
domingo, 10 de agosto de 2008
Evo wins, Manfred loses but rejects results: peace on the streets, but is it the calm before the storm?
We have spent the day observing various voting centers and neighborhoods around the city of Cochabamba. The polls have closed now, and voting results are slowly coming in. So far, we have not witnessed any clashes or violence, nor have any been reported in the news. Voting seems to have gone smoothly, without major irregularities.
We interviewed various people, including ordinary voters, members civil society “electoral control” groups, and a few political leaders. Many of those interviewed expressed concerns that the various conflicts in the country will continue, or even deepen, following today’s referendum. Several anticipated violence in Cochabamba should the prefect here, Manfred Reyes Villa, lose the referendum and then refuse to leave. Those who oppose president Evo Morales and his MAS party say that the violence would come if “MASistas” from the rural areas of Cochabamba were to come to the city to take over the prefecture or take Reyes out by force. Those who support the president and his party say that if the Reyes loses and refuses to leave, the police would have to remove him, and then the embattled prefect’s supporters may instigate violence with the pretext of protecting Reyes.
As of right now, with the majority of votes counted, President Evo Morales has won the referendum with over 60% of voters supporting his continued presidency. Manfred Reyes Villa, the Cochabamba prefect, has lost, with ~58% voting against him. One point of debate and confusion has been with regards to two competing formulas for deciding the elections, one in which a politician could be ousted only if the votes against him were to surpass 50%, the other requiring only that the no votes exceed the percentage with which he was elected in 2005 – in the case of Manfred, below 50%. But 58% means that he has lost definitively, using either formula.
On TV Manfred Reyes Villa has, however, just declared his intention to continue in office. He says he is still the prefect of Cochabamba, that president Morales should, in the interest of national unity and the rule of law, allow him to remain in office, and he has reasserted that today’s referendum was illegal. This is something we feared would happen. However, what happens next depends largely on whether Reyes Villa is truly digging in his heels, or if he is simply trying to establish his position before a possible attempt to negotiate with the Morales government.
We have different sources within social movements, within the national government, and on the street. They all have different ideas about what might happen. There are some groups – especially youth on both sides – who are ready for a fight, but both claim that they are only prepared to defend their position against aggressions by the other side. Reyes Villa supporters will protect him if MAS supporters try to take over the prefecture our take him out by force. MAS supporters will move against Reyes Villa supporters only if the latter were to take over the prefecture to protect Reyes Villa – a scenario we deem unlikely and redundant, since Reyes Villa himself still controls said prefecture. Our sources in the government do not anticipate any violence, nor do we believe government forces would move against the prefecture right away. Once the official vote tally is registered, however, the national police may move to take over the prefecture. This depends on Evo Morales, and depends, again, on whether Reyes Villa seeks to negotiate.
We will continue to report as we know more.
sábado, 9 de agosto de 2008
Welcome to our blog, and to the Bolivian recall referendum
For more general updates on the referendum, the Democracy Center will be live-blogging throughout the day as well, with reports coming in from around the country.
Our blog in Spanish is here.